Ancient Sri Lanka's Trade Secrets: Rome, India, and the Silk Road Connection

Most Roman vessels ended their voyages at the Burmese city of Tamala, on the northwest edge of the Malay Peninsula

Ancient Sri Lanka's Trade Secrets: Rome, India, and the Silk Road Connection

For centuries, the island of Sri Lanka, then known as Taprobane, held a pivotal position in the ancient world's bustling trade networks. This wasn't just a stopover point; it was a kingdom with its own rich culture, resources, and savvy diplomatic strategies. This post delves into the fascinating interactions between the Anuradhapura Kingdom of Sri Lanka, the Roman Empire, the Tamil kingdoms of India, and even the distant lands of Southeast Asia and the fringes of China. Prepare to uncover a story of daring voyages, precious goods, and political maneuvering that shaped the ancient world.

The journey to Sri Lanka was no easy feat. Roman mariners were well aware of the dangers of the Palk Strait, a shallow and treacherous stretch of water separating India and Sri Lanka. Pliny the Elder, the famed Roman author and naturalist, described it vividly: "shallow and not more than eighteen feet deep in most places, but in certain channels so deep that no anchors can hold at the bottom."

This natural barrier favored the Tamil traders, whose shallow-hulled ships could navigate the reefs with relative ease. These vessels, capable of carrying up to 150 tons of cargo (the equivalent of 3,000 wine amphorae!), were also uniquely designed with a prow at each end, allowing them to sail backward through narrow channels – a crucial advantage in these confined waters.

The Tamils acted as crucial intermediaries, transporting Roman goods to the eastern coast of India. The Periplus Maris Erythraei (a Greco-Roman navigational guide) mentions a market on India's east coast specifically for Roman goods, highlighting the constant flow of Roman cash and products into the region. Tamil merchants also sailed to Sri Lanka, then ruled by the powerful Anuradhapura Kingdom, bringing with them a share of this Roman wealth and access to Roman goods.

Sri Lanka, known to the Greeks and Romans as Taprobane (derived from the Sanskrit "Tamraparni," meaning "Copper-colored Leaf"), was a source of highly sought-after commodities. These included ivory, turtle-shell, pearls, gemstones, and fine cotton textiles. Strabo noted that Sri Lanka sent "great amounts of ivory, tortoise-shell and other merchandise to the markets of India," while Pliny confirmed that "to procure pearls Indians go to the islands, the most productive of which is Taprobane."

The Tamils, likely to protect their lucrative trade position, may have discouraged direct Roman voyages to Sri Lanka. Early Roman accounts of the island were often vague and inaccurate. Strabo believed Sri Lanka extended 500 miles towards East Africa, and the author of the Periplus thought only the northern part was civilized. There was even speculation that Sri Lanka might be connected to Madagascar, a misunderstanding likely fueled by their shared geological history and unique species of fish.

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Direct Contact: A Roman Tax Collector's Unexpected Journey

The situation changed dramatically around AD 52, thanks to an accidental discovery. A Roman revenue collector, a freedman working for the prominent businessman Annius Ploclamus, was blown off course during a voyage to southern Arabia. His ship, caught in a severe gale, was swept across the Indian Ocean, eventually landing in Sri Lanka after a fourteen-day journey.

Annius Ploclamus was a typical Roman entrepreneur of the time, utilizing freedmen (former slaves who had gained their freedom and Roman citizenship) to expand his business empire. These freedmen, like the unfortunate tax collector, often took on significant responsibilities, overseeing expeditions and managing trade networks. Inscriptions and historical records mention several individuals associated with Ploclamus, operating in both Rome and the port city of Puteoli.

The arrival of the Roman crew in Sri Lanka was a pivotal moment. They were brought before King Bhatikabhaya of the Anuradhapura Kingdom. The king was impressed by the Roman coins found among the ship's cargo, particularly their consistent high-quality silver content. This contrasted sharply with the fluctuating quality of Indian coinage, suggesting to the Sinhalese that Rome was a stable and prosperous power.

Pliny explains that the king "admired Roman integrity, because the denarii he took from the detainees were all minted according to an equal weight, though the various figures on the coins showed that they had been issued by several different emperors."

The freedman, acting as a representative of Rome (due to his status as a tax collector), further impressed the Sinhalese court with tales of the Roman Empire's might and wealth. This led King Bhatikabhaya to dispatch an embassy to Rome, led by a nobleman named "Rachias" (likely "Raki" based on Sinhalese inscriptions), to establish direct diplomatic relations with Emperor Claudius.

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The Sinhalese Embassy to Rome: Diplomacy and Misunderstandings

The Sinhalese embassy, likely composed of a chief minister, a religious instructor, a treasurer, and other advisors (similar to embassies described in the Mahavamsa, an ancient Sinhalese chronicle), brought precious gifts to the Roman court. Pliny provides valuable details about Rachia, the leading ambassador, whose father had even traveled to the "Seres" (likely steppe nomads in Central Asia who traded silk), highlighting the Anuradhapura Kingdom's extensive trade connections.

Inscriptions found near Anuradhapura confirm Rachia's high status, describing him as a "Premier" and "Lord," and even mentioning his marriage to a princess, the daughter of King Bhatikabhaya.

While the freedman and his associates acted as translators, certain Buddhist concepts proved difficult to convey in Latin. This, combined with the political climate in Rome, led to some misinterpretations and even deliberate distortions of Sinhalese society. Roman senators, opposed to the autocratic rule of the emperors, used the embassy as an opportunity to promote their own agenda.

They presented an idealized (and likely inaccurate) picture of the Anuradhapura Kingdom as a place where rulers were accountable and selected based on merit, implying that similar reforms were possible in Rome. This was a subtle way to critique the imperial system without directly challenging the emperor. Discussions also arose about state spending, with Pliny noting that "there are greater riches in Taprobane than in our country. But we make more use of our wealth."

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A Gift of Red Coral

The diplomatic contact between Sri Lanka and Rome is also documented in early Buddhist annals written in Pali script. These records mention a remarkable gift from Emperor Claudius to King Bhatikabhaya: red Mediterranean coral. This precious material was highly valued, and Bhatikabhaya donated it to the Mahathupa, a significant Buddhist stupa in his capital city.

The Mahavamsa describes how the king "had a priceless coral-net prepared and cast over the cetiya" (the relic shrine). The Dipavamsa confirms this, stating that Bhatikabhaya "ordered a priceless lattice of corals to be made, covering the surface of the Mahathupa as if it were dressed in a garment." This coral decoration was celebrated for centuries, highlighting the lasting impact of this diplomatic exchange.

Expanding Trade Routes

Following this diplomatic breakthrough, Roman ships began sailing directly to Sri Lanka, bypassing the Tamil intermediaries. Roman pilots charted the chain of islands stretching from Lakshadweep to the Maldives, a testament to their growing navigational knowledge of the Indian Ocean. Claudius Ptolemy, the renowned Roman geographer, recorded 1,378 islets in this region, using data from second-century trade periploi.

Roman ships also sailed to Sri Lanka from Tamil lands, a four-day journey through coral reefs where, as Pliny described, "the sea is a deep green colour and the rudders of passing vessels brush against underwater thickets."

Direct trade with Sri Lanka allowed Roman merchants more time to explore the markets of eastern India before the return monsoon winds. Roman captains circumnavigated the island, reaching key ports and cities on the east coast. Ptolemy's map indicates Roman visits to two trade centers (emporia) on the Sinhalese coast, Modurgi and Talacori, where they acquired rice, honey, ginger, beryls, and amethysts. Roman lookouts even gave Greek names to prominent landmarks, associating them with figures from Greco-Roman religion (e.g., Jovis Promontory, Solis Harbour, and the "city of the Dionysi or Bacchus City").

The recent discovery of an ancient Roman shipwreck near Godavaya on Sri Lanka's southern coast, containing a cargo of corroded metal, glass ingots, and amphora fragments, provides tangible evidence of these direct trade voyages.

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The Rise of Tamil Trade and the Chola Kingdom

Tamil trade also flourished during this period. Ptolemy's geography reveals the growth of ports like Naura (becoming an emporium) and Tyndis (developing into a coastal city) in the Cheran kingdom. Muziris remained a major trade center, while the Pandian kingdom redirected Roman ships to a new emporium, Elancor, likely to improve cargo handling and proximity to Sri Lanka's northern coast.

The Chola Kingdom, controlling key ports on India's east coast (including Kamara, Poduke, and Sopatma), played a vital role in this expanding trade network. The Periplus describes these ports as hubs for local craft sailing to the Malabar Coast, as well as larger vessels (sangara and kolandiophonta) making voyages to the Ganges and Burma (the Golden Land).

Puhar (Kaveripattinam), the Chola Kingdom's main urban center, was a bustling port city with foreign merchants, including Romans who owned large buildings. Tamil literature vividly describes the city's vibrant markets, warehouses, and the presence of "Yavanas" (a term for foreigners, often referring to Greeks and Romans) whose "prosperity is without limits."

The tragic tale of Puhar's destruction by a massive tidal flood, attributed in Tamil literature to a prince's defiance of a goddess, is supported by archaeological evidence. Submerged ruins have been found off the coast, and the 2004 tsunami briefly revealed the remains of ancient temples, a stark reminder of the city's fate.

North of Puhar, the Chola port of Poduke (Arikamedu) served as a crucial trade hub for ships traveling around Cape Comorin and those heading to the Ganges and Burma. Excavations at Arikamedu have uncovered a wealth of Roman artifacts, including fragments of wine amphorae, olive oil containers, Roman tableware (terra sigillata), and glassware. These finds demonstrate the significant Roman presence and the flow of goods between the Roman Empire and this Tamil port.

Some Tamil merchants at Arikamedu had business connections in Roman Egypt. The name "Kanan" appears on pottery fragments at both Arikamedu and the Egyptian port of Myos Hormos, suggesting a network of agents or associates operating at both locations.

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The East Coast of India

In the second century AD, a Greek businessman named Alexandros wrote a periplus describing Roman voyages to the Malay Peninsula. Although this work is lost, data from it was used by Claudius Ptolemy, providing valuable insights into the ancient economy. Ptolemy lists almost sixty cities, ports, and emporiums along the Indian coast, a significant increase from the twenty mentioned in the earlier Periplus.

The Cholas had four commercial centers on the southeast coast, while north of them lay the Satavahana Kingdom, also with several emporiums and a city-port called Palura. Roman merchants used imperial currency to acquire goods at Satavahana ports, and numerous hoards of Roman coins have been found in this region, often near Buddhist temple centers that also functioned as banking institutions.

Interestingly, during a period when Julio-Claudian denarii were becoming scarce in the Roman Empire (AD 90-110), some Roman businessmen began producing their own replica denarii based on older issues. These were not intended to deceive; they were made of pure silver, but they were illegal. Vast quantities of these replicas were used in the eastern trade, and some minting operations were even moved to India to avoid imperial scrutiny.

The Akenpalle hoard, containing over 1,500 denarii, including 55 replicas, provides evidence of this practice. A Roman die for striking gold aurei, found near a Buddhist temple in Tamilnadu, further supports the theory of clandestine minting operations in India.

Many Roman denarii found in eastern India bear the marks of Satavahana money dealers, who approved foreign currency with stamps featuring symbols like stars, swastikas, and Buddhist wheels. These coins never returned to the Roman Empire, indicating a significant drain of bullion to the East.

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The Ganges, Burma, and the Quest for the East

From the city-port of Paloura, Roman ships could embark on daring voyages across the Bay of Bengal to the Burmese city of Sada, a journey of nearly 1,400 miles. Other ships continued up the Indian coast to Alosygni, a trade hub for traffic from across the Bay of Bengal.

The Ganges region, one of ancient India's richest and most densely populated areas, was extensively urbanized. Roman merchants visited several cities in this region, acquiring precious stones, high-quality nard, and exotic birds. They also knew about an inland site called the "Sardonyx Mountains," a source of red gemstones.

Further east lay Burma, known to the Romans as India Trans Gangem ("India beyond the Ganges"). This region was a source of the "best cinnamon" (malabathrum), and Indian merchants had extensive trade contacts there, referring to it as Suvarnabhumi ("the Land of Gold"). The Buddhist Jatakas mention routine voyages from the Ganges to Burma.

The author of the Periplus believed that Chryse (Golden), a source of fine turtle-shell, was an island at the eastern extremity of the known world. However, beyond this point, knowledge was limited, attributed to "extreme storms, bitter cold and difficult terrain. Or perhaps these regions are not explored because some divine power of the gods has prevented it."

Josephus, writing in AD 90, indicates Jewish knowledge of voyages to the Aurea Chersonesus (Golden Peninsula), likely referring to Burma or the Malay Peninsula. Ptolemy records several emporia and city-ports on the Burmese coast, suggesting that Roman merchants were exploring this region, primarily for diamonds, sandalwood, and cinnamon.

The Chinese became aware of this trade in AD 121 when a Burmese king sent an embassy to the Han Emperor, including individuals who identified themselves as subjects of the Roman Empire. This led the Chinese to believe that the Roman Empire (Da Qin) communicated with Burma via a southwest route.

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The Malay Peninsula and Beyond

The 900-mile-long Malay Peninsula marked the limit of most Roman trade voyages. Ptolemy had some basic information about the peninsula, but he was unaware of the narrow Malacca Straits separating it from Sumatra. Roman merchants had heard reports of islands near Indonesia, but little was known about them.

Ptolemy seemed unaware of Sumatra, but he recorded details about Java, known as Labadius ("Barley Island"), describing it as highly fruitful and with a capital city called Argentae Metropolis. Roman traders likely received this information from early Indian settlers, who called the island "Java-Dvipa" ("Millet Island"). It's possible that Roman traders confused Sumatra and Java, attributing Sumatra's gold production to Java.

Most Roman vessels ended their voyages at the Burmese city of Tamala, on the northwest edge of the Malay Peninsula. From there, Indian merchants made a land crossing of the Kra Isthmus to reach a trade station on the far coast, embarking on other vessels for voyages across the Gulf of Thailand.

Alexandros heard about Thailand and Cambodia from Indian merchants, who visited ports like Thipinobastae Emporium and Zabia (on the southern tip of Vietnam). Indian ships reaching Zabia could sail south to Borneo, reaching a trade outpost called Cattigara. However, Alexandros was vague about the distances involved in these voyages.

Ptolemy imagined that Borneo's coast was part of the Asian landmass, curving southward from China to join with East Africa, encircling the Indian Ocean. This reflects the limited geographical knowledge of the time.

Seneca, a Roman statesman and tutor to Emperor Nero, expressed the anxieties of the era, wondering about potential threats from unknown rulers and nations beyond the explored frontiers.

By the mid-second century AD, Roman ships began sailing around the Malay Peninsula, reaching markets in Thailand, and gold aurei minted by Emperors Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius have been found at Oc-eo in southern Vietnam. Reports reached Roman merchants that direct contact with China could be made by sailing north from Zabia, and in AD 166, this contact was achieved, marking a new chapter in the history of ancient trade and exploration.

Conclusion

The story of the Anuradhapura Kingdom's interaction with the Roman Empire, the Tamil kingdoms, and Southeast Asia is a testament to the interconnectedness of the ancient world. It reveals a complex web of trade routes, diplomatic exchanges, and cultural interactions that spanned vast distances. While the Romans never fully explored the Far East, their accidental encounter with Sri Lanka opened up new possibilities and expanded their understanding of a world far beyond their own borders. The legacy of this ancient trade continues to fascinate, reminding us of the enduring human drive for exploration, exchange, and connection. The artifacts and accounts left are merely fragments, hinting at the vastness and richness of a world that was interconnected far earlier and far deeper than we once thought.